英二 真题 2003年 (完结)

Section I Use of English

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Section II Reading Comprehension

Text 1

    Wild Bill Donovan would have loved the Inter net. The American spymaster who built the Office of Strategic Services in the World War II and later laid the roots for the CIA was fascinated with information. Donovan believed in using whatever tools came to hand in the "great game" of espionage -spying as a "profession." These days the Net, which has already re-made such everyday pastimes as buying books and sending mail, is reshaping Donovan's vocation as well.

    The latest revolution isn't simply a matter of gentlemen reading other gentlemen's e-mail. That kind of electronic spying has been going on for decades. In the past three or four years, the World Wide Web has given birth to a whole industry of point-and-click spying. The spooks call it "open source intelligence," and as the Net grows, it is becoming increasingly influential. In 1995 the CIA held a contest to see who could compile the most data about Burundi. The winner, by a large margin, was a tiny Virginia company called Open-Source Solutions, whose clear advantage was its mastery of the electronic world.

    Among the firms making the biggest splash in the new world is Straitford, Inc., a private intelligence-analysis firm based in Austin, Texas. Straitford makes money by selling the results of spying (covering nations from Chile to Russia) to corporations like energy-services firm McDermott International. Many of its predictions are available online at www.Straitford.com.

    Straiford president George Friedman says he sees the online world as a kind of mutually reinforcing tool for both information collection and distribution, a spymaster's dream. Last week his firm was busy vacuuming up data bits from the far corners of the world and predicting a crisis in Ukraine. "As soon as that report runs, we'll suddenly get 500 new internet sign-ups from Ukraine," says Friedman, a former political science professor. "And we'll hear back from some of them." Open-source spying does have its risks, of course, since it can be difficult to tell good information from bad. That's where Straitford earns its keep.

    Friedman relies on a lean staff of 20 in Austin. Several of his staff members have military-intelligence backgrounds. He sees the firm's outsider status as the key to its success. Straitford's briefs don't sound like the usual Washington back-and-forthing, whereby agencies avoid dramatic declarations on the chance they might be wrong. Straitford, says Friedman, takes pride in its independent voice.

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狂野的比尔·多诺万会喜欢互联网的。这位在二战期间建立了战略情报局(Office of Strategic Services)、后来为中央情报局(CIA)奠定基础的美国间谍头目对信息非常着迷。多诺万相信，在间谍这个“伟大的游戏”中，可以使用任何工具——间谍是一种“职业”。如今，网络已经重塑了买书和发邮件这样的日常消遣，也正在重塑多诺万的职业。

最新的革命不仅仅是一个人偷看另一个人的电子邮件。这种电子间谍活动已经持续了几十年。在过去的三四年里，万维网催生了一整个指向点击间谍的产业。间谍们称之为“开源情报”，随着网络的发展，它的影响力越来越大。1995年，美国中央情报局举办了一场比赛，看谁能汇编最多关于布隆迪的数据。胜出者是弗吉尼亚州一家名为“开源解决方案”(Open-Source Solutions)的小公司，它的明显优势是对电子世界的精通。

在新世界中引起最大轰动的公司是Straitford, Inc.，这是一家总部位于德克萨斯州奥斯汀的私人情报分析公司。Straitford通过向能源服务公司McDermott International出售间谍活动的结果(覆盖从智利到俄罗斯的国家)来赚钱。它的许多预测都可以在www.Straitford.com上找到。

Straiford总裁乔治·弗里德曼(George Friedman)说，他认为网络世界是一种信息收集和传播相辅相成的工具，这是间谍头子的梦想。上周，他的公司正忙着从世界遥远的角落收集数据，预测乌克兰的危机。“一旦这份报告发布，我们就会突然收到500个来自乌克兰的新互联网注册用户，”前政治学教授弗里德曼说。“我们会收到其中一些人的回复。”当然，开源间谍活动也有风险，因为很难区分信息的好坏。这就是Straitford赚钱的地方。

弗里德曼在奥斯汀只有20名精干员工。他的几名工作人员都有军事情报背景。他认为该公司的局外人身份是其成功的关键。Straitford的简报听起来不像华盛顿通常的来回传递，即各机构避免发表戏剧性的声明，以防他们可能会犯错。弗里德曼说，Straitford为自己的独立声音感到自豪。

Text 2

    To paraphrase 18t-century statesman Edmund Burke, "all that is needed for the triumph of a misguided cause is that good people do nothing." One such cause now seeks to end biomedical research because of the theory that animals have rights ruling out their use in research. Scientists need to respond forcefully to animal rights advocates, whose arguments are confusing the public and thereby threatening advances in health knowledge and care. Leaders of the animal rights movement target biomedical research because it depends on public funding, and few people understand the process of health care research. Hearing allegations of cruelty to animals in research settings, many are perplexed that anyone would deliberately harm an animal.

    For example, a grandmotherly woman staffing an animal rights booth at a recent street fair was distributing a brochure that encouraged readers not to use anything that comes from or is tested in animals-no meat, no fur, no medicines. Asked if she opposed immunizations, she wanted to know if vaccines come from animal research. When assured that they do, she replied, "Then I would have to say yes." Asked what will happen when epidemics return, she said, "Don't worry, scientists will find some way of using computers." Such well-meaning people just don't understand.

    Scientists must communicate their message to the public in a compassionate, understandable way-in human terms, not in the language of molecular biology. We need to make clear the connection between animal research and a grandmother's hip replacement, a father's bypass operation, a baby's vaccinations, and even a pet's shots. To those who are unaware that animal research was needed to produce these treatments, as well as new treatments and vaccines, animal research seems wasteful at best and cruel at worst.

    Much can be done. Scientists could "adopt" middle school classes and present their own research. They should be quick to respond to letters to the editor, lest animal rights misinformation go unchallenged and acquire a deceptive appearance of truth. Research institutions could be opened to tours, to show that laboratory animals receive humane care. Finally, because the ultimate stakeholders are patients, the health research community should actively recruit to its cause not only well-known personalities such as Stephen Cooper, who has made courageous statements about the value of animal research, but all who receive medical treatment. If good people do nothing, there is a real possibility that an uninformed citizenry will extinguish the precious embers of medical progress.

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套用18世纪政治家埃德蒙·伯克(Edmund Burke)的话，“一个误入歧途的事业要取得胜利，所需要的就是好人什么都不做。”现在有一项这样的事业试图终止生物医学研究，因为有理论认为，动物有权禁止在研究中使用它们。科学家们需要有力地回应动物权利倡导者，他们的论点混淆了公众，从而威胁到卫生知识和护理的进步。动物权利运动的领导人把矛头指向生物医学研究，因为它依赖于公共资金，而且很少有人了解医疗保健研究的过程。听到在研究环境中虐待动物的指控，许多人都感到困惑，为什么会有人故意伤害动物。

例如，在最近的一次街头集市上，一位老奶奶在动物权利摊位上工作，她分发了一本小册子，鼓励读者不要使用任何来自动物或在动物身上做过试验的东西——没有肉，没有皮毛，没有药物。当被问及她是否反对免疫接种时，她想知道疫苗是否来自动物研究。当她被告知他们是这样做的时候，她回答说:“那我只能说是。”当被问及流行病卷土重来时会发生什么时，她说，“别担心，科学家们会找到一些使用计算机的方法。”这些好心的人只是不理解。

科学家们必须以一种富有同情心、易于理解的方式向公众传达他们的信息——用人类的语言，而不是用分子生物学的语言。我们需要弄清楚动物研究与祖母的髋关节置换、父亲的搭桥手术、婴儿的疫苗接种、甚至宠物的疫苗注射之间的联系。对于那些不知道需要动物研究来生产这些治疗方法，以及新的治疗方法和疫苗的人来说，动物研究往好里说是浪费，往坏里说是残忍。

我们可以做很多事情。科学家可以“采用”中学课堂，展示他们自己的研究。他们应该迅速回应给编辑的信件，以免动物权利的错误信息不受质疑，并获得真理的欺骗性外表。研究机构可以向游客开放，以显示实验动物受到人道的照顾。最后，由于最终的利益相关者是患者，卫生研究界不仅应该积极招募知名人士，如斯蒂芬·库珀(Stephen Cooper)，他对动物研究的价值发表了勇敢的声明，而且应该积极招募所有接受治疗的人。如果好人什么都不做，无知的市民就很有可能将医学进步的宝贵余烬熄灭。

Text 3

    In recent years, railroads have been combining with each other, merging into supersystems, causing heightened concerns about monopoly. As recently as 1995, the top four railroads accounted for under 70 percent of the total ton-miles moved by rails. Next year, after a series of mergers is completed, just four railroads will control well over 90 percent of all the freight moved by major rail carriers.

    Supporters of the new supersystems argue that these mergers will allow for substantial cost reductions and better coordinated service. Any threat of monopoly, they argue, is removed by fierce competition from trucks. But many shippers complain that for heavy bulk commodities traveling long distances, such as coal, chemicals, and grain, trucking is too costly and the railroads therefore have them by the throat.

    The vast consolidation within the rail industry means that most shippers are served by only one rail company. Railroads typically charge such"captive"shippers 20 to 30 percent more than they do when another railroad is competing for the business. Shippers who feel they are being overcharged have the right to appeal to the federal government's Surface Transportation Board for rate relief, but the process is expensive, time consuming, and will work only in truly extreme cases.

    Railroads justify rate discrimination against captive shippers on the grounds that in the long run it reduces everyone's cost. If railroads charged all customers the same average rate, they argue, shippers who have the option of switching to trucks or other forms of transportation would do so, leaving remaining customers to shoulder the cost of keeping up the line. It's theory to which many economists subscribe, but in practice it often leaves railroads in the position of determining which companies will flourish and which will fail."Do we really want railroads to be the arbiters of who wins and who loses in the marketplace?"asks Martin Bercovici, a Washington lawyer who frequently represents shipper.

    Many captive shippers also worry they will soon be hit with a round of huge rate increases. The railroad industry as a whole, despite its brightening fortuning fortunes, still does not earn enough to cover the cost of the capital it must invest to keep up with its surging traffic. Yet railroads continue to borrow billions to acquire one another, with Wall Street cheering them on. Consider the $10.2 billion bid by Norfolk Southern and CSX to acquire Conrail this year. Conrail's net railway operating income in 1996 was just $427 million, less than half of the carrying costs of the transaction. Who's going to pay for the rest of the bill? Many captive shippers fear that they will, as Norfolk Southern and CSX increase their grip on the market.

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近年来，铁路一直在相互合并，合并成超级系统，引起了人们对垄断的高度关注。就在1995年，四大铁路公司在铁路运输吨英里总量中所占的比例还不到70%。明年，在一系列合并完成后，仅四家铁路公司就将控制主要铁路公司90%以上的货运。

新超级系统的支持者认为，这些合并将大幅降低成本和更好地协调服务。他们认为，来自卡车的激烈竞争消除了任何垄断的威胁。但是，许多托运人抱怨说，对于长途运输的大宗商品，如煤炭、化学品和谷物，卡车运输成本太高，因此铁路公司要掐住他们的喉咙。

铁路行业的大规模整合意味着大多数托运人只由一家铁路公司提供服务。铁路公司通常会向此类“专属”托运人收取比另一条铁路公司竞争业务时高出20%至30%的费用。觉得自己被多收费的托运人有权向联邦政府的水陆运输委员会上诉，要求减免费率，但这一过程既昂贵又耗时，而且只有在真正极端的情况下才能奏效。

铁路公司以长期来看降低了每个人的成本为理由，证明对受控制的货主实行费率歧视是合理的。他们认为，如果铁路公司向所有客户收取相同的平均费率，那些可以选择转向卡车或其他运输方式的托运人就会这样做，让剩下的客户承担维持铁路运营的成本。许多经济学家都赞同这一理论，但在实践中，它往往让铁路公司处于决定哪些公司会繁荣，哪些公司会倒闭的地位。“我们真的希望铁路公司成为市场上谁赢谁输的仲裁者吗?”经常代表托运人的华盛顿律师马丁·伯科维奇(Martin Bercovici)问道。

许多被束缚的托运人也担心他们很快会受到一轮大幅上涨的打击。尽管整个铁路行业的运势越来越好，但它的收入仍然不足以支付它必须投入的资本成本，以跟上日益增长的客流量。然而，铁路公司继续借数十亿美元互相收购，华尔街为他们欢呼。想想今年诺福克南方公司和CSX公司以102亿美元的价格收购Conrail公司。1996年，康瑞铁路的净铁路运营收入仅为4.27亿美元，不到该交易持有成本的一半。谁来付剩下的账单?随着诺福克南方公司和CSX加强对市场的控制，许多被控制的托运人担心他们会这样做。

Text 4

    It is said that in England death is pressing, in Canada inevitable and in California optional. Small wonder. Americans' life expectancy has nearly doubled over the past century. Failing hips can be replaced, clinical depression controlled, cataracts removed in a 30-minute surgical procedure. Such advances offer the aging population a quality of life that was unimaginable when I entered medicine 50 years ago. But not even a great health-care system can cure death—and our failure to confront that reality now threatens this greatness of ours.

    Death is normal; we are genetically programmed to disintegrate and perish, even under ideal conditions. We all understand that at some level, yet as medical consumers we treat death as a problem to be solved. Shielded by third-party payers from the cost of our care, we demand everything that can possibly be done for us, even if it's useless. The most obvious example is late-stage cancer care. Physicians—frustrated by their inability to cure the disease and fearing loss of hope in the patient—too often offer aggressive treatment far beyond what is scientifically justified.

    In 1950, the US spent $12.7 billion on health care. In 2002, the cost will be $1,540 billion. Anyone can see this trend is unsustainable. Yet few seem willing to try to reverse it. Some scholars conclude that a government with finite resources should simply stop paying for medical care that sustains life beyond a certain age-say 83 or so. Former Colorado governor Richard Lamm has been quoted as saying that the old and infirm "have a duty to die and get out of the way", so that younger, healthier people can realize their potential.

    I would not go that far. Energetic people now routinely work through their 60s and beyond, and remain dazzlingly productive. At 78, Viacom chairman Sumner Redstone jokingly claims to be 53. Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O'Connor is in her 70s, and former surgeon general C. Everett Koop chairs an Internet start-up in his 80s.These leaders are living proof that prevention works and that we can manage the health problems that come naturally with age. As a mere 68-year-old, I wish to age as productively as they have.

    Yet there are limits to what a society can spend in this pursuit. As a physician, I know the most costly and dramatic measures may be ineffective and painful. I also know that people in Japan and Sweden, countries that spend far less on medical care, have achieved longer, healthier lives than we have. As a nation, we may be overfunding the quest for unlikely cures while underfunding research on humbler therapies that could improve people's lives.

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据说，在英国，死亡是紧迫的，在加拿大，死亡是不可避免的，而在加利福尼亚，死亡是可以选择的。不足为奇。在过去的一个世纪里，美国人的预期寿命几乎翻了一番。衰竭的髋关节可以被替换，临床抑郁症可以得到控制，白内障可以在30分钟的手术过程中被切除。这样的进步为老年人口提供了一种生活质量，这在我50年前进入医学界时是无法想象的。但是，即使是一个伟大的医疗保健系统也不能治愈死亡——我们未能正视这一现实，现在正威胁着我们的伟大。

死亡是正常的;即使在理想的条件下，我们的基因也注定会解体和死亡。在某种程度上，我们都明白这一点，但作为医疗消费者，我们将死亡视为一个有待解决的问题。由于第三方支付我们的医疗费用，我们要求为我们做一切可能的事情，即使它毫无用处。最明显的例子是晚期癌症治疗。医生们因为无力治愈这种疾病而感到沮丧，担心病人失去希望，往往会提供远远超出科学合理范围的激进治疗。

1950年，美国在医疗保健上花费了127亿美元。到2002年，这项费用将达到15400亿美元。任何人都能看出这种趋势是不可持续的。然而，似乎很少有人愿意试图扭转这一局面。一些学者得出结论，一个资源有限的政府应该干脆停止为超过一定年龄(比如83岁左右)的人提供维持生命的医疗服务。科罗拉多州前州长理查德·拉姆曾说过，老弱病残“有责任死去，让开”，这样更年轻、更健康的人就能发挥他们的潜力。

我不会走得那么远。现在精力充沛的人通常会工作到60多岁甚至更久，而且仍然保持惊人的生产力。现年78岁的维亚康姆(Viacom)董事长雷石东(Sumner Redstone)曾开玩笑称自己53岁。最高法院法官桑德拉·戴·奥康纳已经70多岁了，前卫生局局长c·埃弗雷特·库普已经80多岁，担任一家互联网初创公司的董事长。这些领导人活生生地证明，预防是有效的，我们能够处理随年龄增长而自然出现的健康问题。作为一个只有68岁的人，我希望自己能像他们一样富有成效。

然而，一个社会在这方面的投入是有限的。作为一名医生，我知道最昂贵和最激进的措施可能是无效和痛苦的。我还知道，在日本和瑞典这些在医疗保健上花费少得多的国家，人们的寿命比我们更长，生活得更健康。作为一个国家，我们可能在寻求不太可能的治疗方法上投入过多，而在可能改善人们生活的更简单的治疗方法上却投入不足。

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Part B

Part B

    Human beings in all times and places think about their world and wonder at their place in it. Humans are thoughtful and creative, possessed of insatiable curiosity. (41) Furthermore, humans have the ability to modify the environment in which they live, thus subjecting all other life forms to their own peculiar ideas and fancies. Therefore, it is important to study humans in all their richness and diversity in a calm and systematic manner, with the hope that the knowledge resulting from such studies can lead humans to a more harmonious way of living with themselves and with all other life forms on this planet Earth.

    "Anthropology” derives from the Greek words anthropos "human” and logos "the study of." By its very name, anthropology encompasses the study of all humankind.

    Anthropology is one of the social sciences. (42) Social science is that branch of intellectual enquiry which seeks to study humans and their endeavors in the same reasoned, orderly, systematic. and dispassioned manner that natural scientists use for the study of natural phenomena.

    Social science disciplines include geography, economics, political, science, psychology, and sociology. Each of these social sciences has a subfield or specialization which lies particularly close to anthropology.

    All the social sciences focus upon the study of humanity. Anthropology is a field-study oriented discipline which makes extensive use of the comparative method in analysis. (43) The emphasis on data gathered first-hand, combined with a cross-cultural perspective brought to the analysis of cultures past and present, makes this study a unique and distinctly important social science.

    Anthropological analyses rest heavily upon the concept of culture. Sir Edward Tylor's formulation of the concept of culture was one of the great intellectual achievements of 19th century science. (44) Tylor defined culture as "...that complex whole which includes belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society." This insight, so profound in its simplicity, opened up an entirely new way of perceiving and understanding human life. Implicit within Tylor's definition is the concept that culture is learned. shared, and patterned behavior.

    (45) Thus, the anthropological concept of "culture," like the concept of "set" in mathematics, is an abstract concept which makes possible immense amounts of concrete research and understanding.

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任何时代和任何地方的人类都在思考他们的世界，并对自己在其中的位置感到好奇。人类善于思考，富有创造力，有着永不满足的好奇心。(41)此外，人类有能力改变他们生活的环境，从而使所有其他生命形式服从他们自己独特的想法和想象。因此，冷静而系统地研究人类的丰富性和多样性是很重要的，希望从这些研究中获得的知识能够引导人类以一种更和谐的方式与自己以及与地球上所有其他生命形式共存。

“人类学”一词来源于希腊语anthropos，意为“人类”，logos意为“研究”。顾名思义，人类学包括对全人类的研究。

人类学是社会科学的一门。(42)社会科学是智力研究的一个分支，它力图以同样理性的、有序的、系统的方式研究人类及其行为。以及自然科学家研究自然现象时所采用的冷静态度。

社会科学学科包括地理学、经济学、政治学、科学、心理学和社会学。这些社会科学都有一个与人类学特别接近的子领域或专业。

所有的社会科学都以研究人性为中心。人类学是一门以实地研究为导向的学科，在分析中广泛使用比较方法。(43)强调第一手收集的数据，结合跨文化视角对过去和现在的文化进行分析，使这项研究成为一门独特而明显重要的社会科学。

人类学的分析很大程度上依赖于文化的概念。爱德华·泰勒爵士对文化概念的阐述是19世纪科学界最伟大的智力成就之一。(44)泰勒将文化定义为“……这个复杂的整体包括信仰，艺术，道德，法律，习俗以及人类作为社会成员所获得的任何其他能力和习惯这种深刻而简单的见解，为认识和理解人类生活开辟了一种全新的方式。泰勒的定义中隐含着文化是习得的概念。共享的、模式化的行为。

(45)因此，人类学中的“文化”概念，就像数学中的“集合”概念一样，是一个抽象的概念，它使大量的具体研究和理解成为可能。